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Although it has many dictionary definitions, we're not talking about the general abstract ideas that can be traced to classical Greek linguistics. We're talking about how so much power can get into the hands of so few today. It's not a new idea and the authors don't claim that it is. They just think it needs updating from the perspective of a post-digital neoliberal world in which the wheels seem to have come off. Kindleberger, C. P. (1978) Government and International Trade. International Finance Section, Department of Economics, Princeton University. Schenoni, Luis (2019). "Hegemony". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies. Oxford University Press. [ ISBNmissing] Ferguson, N. (2005) ‘The Unconscious Colossus: Limits of (& Alternatives to) American Empire’, Daedalus. MIT Press, 134(2), pp. 18–33. Ouellette, Laurie; Gray, Jonathan, eds. (2017). Keywords for Media Studies. NYU Press. doi: 10.2307/j.ctt1gk08zz. ISBN 978-1-4798-1747-4.
Hegemony Now considers the political means by which finance capital - greatly assisted by emergent digital technologies - re-established pre-eminence within the capitalist class and across wider society in the 1980s and 1990s. Digital technology corporations such as Apple, Facebook and Google have established virtual monopolies both on the distribution of information and on key infrastructures of everyday life, communication, and entertainment. Digital platforms, Hegemony Now makes clear, are a key mechanism of institutionalised power, and the contemporary state can increasingly be understood as itself a form of platform. Beyer, Anna Cornelia (2010). Counterterrorism and International Power Relations: The EU, ASEAN and Hegemonic Global Governance. London: IB Tauris. [ ISBNmissing]
Introduction
Strange, S. (1987) ‘The Persistent Myth of Lost Hegemony’, International Organization. Cambridge University Press, 41(4), pp. 551–574.
From the Gramsci analysis derived the political science denotation of hegemony as leadership; thus, the historical example of Prussia as the militarily and culturally predominant province of the German Empire (1871–1918); and the personal and intellectual predominance of Napoleon Bonaparte upon the French Consulate (1799–1804). [64] Contemporarily, in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985), Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe defined hegemony as a political relationship of power wherein a sub-ordinate society (collectivity) perform social tasks that are culturally unnatural and not beneficial to them, but that are in exclusive benefit to the imperial interests of the hegemon, the superior, ordinate power; hegemony is a military, political, and economic relationship that occurs as an articulation within political discourse. [65] Beyer analysed the contemporary hegemony of the United States at the example of the Global War on Terrorism and presented the mechanisms and processes of American exercise of power in 'hegemonic governance'. [66] Hildebrandt, R., US Hegemony: Global Ambitions and Decline: Emergence of the Interregional Asian Triangle and the Relegation of the US as a Hegemonic Power, the Reorientation of Europe, Peter Lang, 2009, pp. 9–11. According to John Mearsheimer, global hegemony is unlikely due to the difficulties in projecting power over large bodies of water. [53] International relations [ edit ] Nonetheless, the macro political analysis contained in Hegemony Now is incredibly valuable and adds much to the debates around the potential demise of neoliberalism. We are facing an increasingly complex world, and the tools Gilbert and Williams’ develop from Gramsci enable us to think about this complexity without the reductions or simplifications that can be so appealing. Zolo, D. (2007) ‘Contemporary Uses of The Notion of “Empire”’, The Monist. JSTOR, 90(1), pp. 48–64.Various perspectives on whether the US was or continues to be a hegemon have been presented since the end of the Cold War. Most notably, American political scientists John Mearsheimer and Joseph Nye have argued that the US is not a genuine global hegemon because it has neither the financial nor the military resources to impose a proper, formal, global hegemony. [53] [54] This theory is heavily contested in academic discussions of IR, with Anna Beyer being a notable critic of Nye and Mearsheimer. [55] Grunberg, Isabelle (1990). "Exploring the ‘Myth' of Hegemonic Stability." International Organization 44 (4): 431–477. Guanzi: Economic Dialogues in Ancient China, ed. Adam K. W. Wen, Connecticut: New Heaven, 1954, p. 60. The task for socialists is to live without illusions without becoming disillusioned. Gilbert and Williams have written a timely contribution in how the left acts strategically—learning from the successes and failures of the last decade.” Agnew, John A. Hegemony: The New Shape of Global Power. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2005.
We cannot change anything until we have a better understanding of how power works, who holds it, and why that matters. Through upgrading the concept of hegemony—understanding the importance of passive consent; the complexity of political interests; and the structural force of technology—Jeremy Gilbert and Alex Williams offer us an updated theory of power for the twenty-first century. Gilpin, Robert G. War and Change in World Politics. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981. hegemony". Oxford English Dictionary (Onlineed.). Oxford University Press. (Subscription or participating institution membership required.) (Definitions 2a and 2b) Julius Caesar, Gallic Wars, (trs. V. O. Gorenstein, & M. M. Pokrovsky, Moscow: Ladomir, 1981), 1:3, 11, 35.
General Overviews
Pentagon strategist Edward Luttwak, in The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire, [57] outlined three stages, with hegemonic being the first, followed by imperial. In his view the transformation proved to be fatal and eventually led to the fall of the Roman Empire. His book gives implicit advice to Washington to continue the present hegemonic strategy and refrain from establishing an empire. In Ancient East Asia, Chinese hegemony existed during the Spring and Autumn period (c. 770–480 BC), when the weakened rule of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty led to the relative autonomy of the Five Hegemons ( Ba in Chinese [ 霸]). The term is translated as lord protector, or lord of the covenants, or chief of the feudal lords and is described as intermediate between king of independent state and Emperor of All under Heaven. [11] The hegemons were appointed by feudal lord conferences and were nominally obliged to support the King of Zhou, [12] whose status parallel to that of the Roman Pope in the medieval Europe.